Westminster and Brussels – not quite 'la même chose'

Serving in a national political arena is very different from the way MEPs operate, writes Jonathan Evans MP

Many British politicians have served in both the House of Commons and the European Parliament, but following my election to the British national parliament last year, I believe I may be the first to have returned to Westminster after a decade of service in Brussels. Perhaps, this gives me a unique insight into the differences not just in the working practices of the differing places, but also in the skills and qualities required of their members.

Many people are inclined to think that the role of elected representative is pretty much the same whether in local authorities, Westminster or Brussels. But the reality is quite different. We all know that MPs are divided into government and opposition sides of the chamber of the Commons and each side is then further divided between frontbenchers and backbenchers. Although - the real executive power, of course, rests with government ministers and the capacity of non-ministers is generally limited to using each and every parliamentary device in order to influence or attack government policy.

Backbenchers have their annual ballot for private members bills. Only a tiny fraction of these are ever likely to make it to the statute book and, only then, with government acquiescence. To be an effective backbencher, an MP must therefore be well informed on government policy across a wide range of areas. Opportunities for specialist interest do arise on select committees. These, though, are not legislative bodies. Things could hardly be more different in the European Parliament. The first enquiry made of any newly-elected MEP is to discover which of the EP's committees best matches your political interest – foreign affairs, economic and monetary affairs, and the environment and so on.

There are more than 20 such committees and the choice is crucial as the full five-year term will then be spent mostly serving on that committee. Every member is given substitute status on a second committee, but MEPs soon find that they are expected to quickly become specialist experts on their lead committee - and that the time available for other committees is severely limited. Two of the monthly parliamentary cycles are devoted to committee sessions, very often for upwards of six hours a day.

And there is good reason to acquire this specialist knowledge, as in the absence of "frontbenchers" - legislation is steered through the parliamentary process by individual MEPs themselves. It can be surprising to find an MEP from the smaller political groups piloting important legislation, but here the second difference with Westminster kicks in. No party in the EP has an overall majority and the progress of legislation, therefore, crucially depends upon argument, negotiation and compromise. Compromises take place in Westminster as well, although such agreements take place quietly behind closed doors or in "off the record" briefings in the Commons – darkly described as "through the normal channels".

Such compromises are the essence of day to day life in Brussels and Strasbourg, and discussion and negotiation between political groups is so open that the third week of the monthly parliamentary schedule is given over to political group meetings during which the political groups openly discuss their negotiating positions and ultimately set their Voting Lists, better known to us in Westminster as the Party Whip.

In the Commons, we hear the next week's business on a Thursday, and shortly thereafter are informed when our presence is required. All MPs are expected to follow the party whip. It is "bad form" to vote against unless the whip's office has been previously informed. Contrast this with the EP sessions in Strasbourg where eve-of-vote political group meetings can sometimes continue well beyond 10pm with group members openly debating what position their political groups may take. There is no doubt, though, that the essential compromises of this sort are derided by party supporters who see every compromise as a sell-out.

And here is where the third major difference lies. The ordinary voter is used to the role of their local MP – to the point of directing an ever-increasing constituency workload. The MEP, on the other hand, is generally anonymous. Part of this may be down to the party-list voting system and massive regional constituencies, but the reality is that the only people identified in a poll some years ago as MEPs were Neil and Glenys Kinnock – at a time when Neil was actually Vice President of the European Commission.

Jonathan Evans is a British MP - he previously served as a Conservative MEP for Wales between 1999 and 2009